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Swept From the Streets: Mario Procaccino and the Rise of Law-and-Order Politics in New York City

Swept From the Streets: Mario Procaccino and the Rise of Law-and-Order Politics in New York City

By Gabe S. Tennen

Mario Angelo Procaccino strode down Fulton Street, waving to onlookers and shaking hands. Accompanied by his running mate for city council president, Abraham Beame; his teenage daughter, Marierose; and a cabal of campaign staff, the Democratic candidate for mayor seemed at home in the working-class shopping center in Downtown Brooklyn.[1] In 1969, the appearance of Procaccino, then serving as city comptroller, at a blue-collar hub outside of Manhattan was both practical and symbolic. Attempting to assemble a coalition of voters dissatisfied with the liberal bent of incumbent Mayor John V. Lindsay, Procaccino considered outreach to white homeowners in Brooklyn, Queens, the Bronx, and Staten Island his best chance to ascend to City Hall. Beginning his excursion in front of Mays Department Store, a campaign spokesman with a bullhorn declared to passers-by that “John Lindsay probably doesn’t even know where Mays Department Store is!”[2] As he had done throughout his Democratic primary campaign, the pencil-mustached, diminutive Procaccino would allude to that gulf between a Manhattan-reared, Protestant, Yale-educated mayor and a working-class Catholic and Jewish outer-borough constituency during the general election. The issue that most galvanized that effort was one gaining traction across the country: “law-and-order.”

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Crime & Policing, Politics, Race & EthnicityGuest UserComment
The Enigma of Rescue: On a Recent History of the New School for Social Research

The Enigma of Rescue: On a Recent History of the New School for Social Research

By Ben Wurgaft

The New School for Social Research holds a story of rescue dear. This is the tale of how its co-founder and first president, the economist Alvin Johnson, climbed a mountain of correspondence and paperwork to save scores of German scholars after Nazism’s rise to power in the early 1930s. Johnson saved lives and scholarly lineages. He also burnished the reputation of the institution he helped build, establishing a University in Exile (renamed the Graduate Faculty) within the New School itself. An academic institution in downtown Manhattan, equally committed to adult education and to using the social sciences to analyze all that is oppressive in social, cultural, and political life, the New School has — at certain moments in its history — embodied a set of egalitarian and progressive values. In 1918, the sociologist Thorstein Veblen published his The Higher Learning in America: A Memorandum on the Conduct of Universities by Business Men, in which he criticized academic institutions for defending the interests of the ruling class. He practically anticipated the 1919 founding of the New School in response to the actions of Nicholas Murray Butler, president of Columbia University, who had fired two faculty members for protesting the U.S.’s entrance into the war in Europe. Many elite academic institutions have flattering stories they tell about themselves. Some value their historical connections to wealth and power. Some value their political histories (“the Free Speech Movement happened here”). Some their famous former professors (“That was Foucault’s favorite sandwich shop”). The New School values its two foundations: on the basis of protest, in 1919, and on the basis of rescue, in 1933. In his memoir Kafka was the Rage, the writer and critic Anatole Broyard captured the way American students at the New School, after WWII, could turn the narrative of rescue into one of personal triumph: “We admired the German professors. We had won the fight against fascism and now, with their help, we would defeat all the dark forces in the culture and the psyche.”

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Education, ReviewsGuest User Comment
How Dinosaurs Came to New York

How Dinosaurs Came to New York

By Lukas Rieppel

On February 16, 1905, the American Museum of Natural History unveiled an enormous dinosaur skeleton measuring more than sixty-five feet in length: Brontosaurus. This lumbering behemoth was discovered in a remote part of Wyoming several years earlier, and curators had just finished assembling its gargantuan bones into a free-standing display that would serve as the centerpiece of the museum’s recently inaugurated dinosaur hall. Over the next several decades, Brontosaurus became one of the most iconic dinosaurs of all time, and throngs of visitors flocked to the Upper West Side to see its fossil remains with their own eyes.

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Arts & Culture, Progressive Era, Gilded Age, Manhattan, ScienceGuest UserComment
NYPD at the Crossroads: Some Background History
NYPD at the Crossroads: Some Background History

NYPD at the Crossroads: Some Background History

By Mark Naison

All over the nation, protesters are demanding that police budgets be cut and that the funds saved be invested in community development projects in working class neighborhoods, particularly those which have high concentrations of Black people. As this movement spreads to NYC, it might be useful to review the history of police expansion and militarization in NYC, its surprising origins and unintended consequences.

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Peter-Christian AignerComment
Riot

Riot

By Mike Wallace

All day the twelfth of August 1900, the city roasted through a heat wave. Night brought no relief. In Hell’s Kitchen, sleepless residents perched on stoops or fled to local watering holes. Arthur Harris, a 22-year-old, Virginia-born recent migrant, sought refuge at McBride’s Saloon on the corner of Eighth Avenue and 41st Street, just down the block from the apartment in which he lived with his girlfriend, 20-year-old May Enoch. At 2:00 a.m., Enoch came by, asked him to “come on up home,” then waited outside for him to join her. On departing, Harris found her struggling in a man’s grip. He leapt to rescue her. The man produced a club and began battering him, shouting racist epithets. Harris pulled a knife and cut his assailant twice. Robert J. Thorpe, a plainclothes policeman who had been arresting Enoch for presumed soliciting, fell mortally wounded.

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Crime & Policing, Excerpts, Race & EthnicityGuest UserComment
Battling Bella: The Protest Politics of Bella Abzug

Battling Bella: The Protest Politics of Bella Abzug

Reviewed by Dylan Gottlieb

“She is loud. She is good and rude,” wrote Jimmy Breslin, the redoubtable New York newspaperman. Like “a fighter in training,” he continued, Bella Abzug was “pushing, brawling, poking, striding her way toward the Congress of the United States.” In the 1970s, as New York approached its nadir, Abzug emerged onto the political scene as a pugilist for the people: a “tough broad from the Bronx” (to borrow the title of another biography), whose combative style and populist message fit the tough times.

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Politics, ReviewsGuest UserComment
Jump Up! Caribbean Carnival Music in New York City

Jump Up! Caribbean Carnival Music in New York City

Reviewed by Gage Averill

It is fitting that it was two New Yorkers in the early 1930s, Harold Arlen and Ted Koehler, who composed the showtune “I Love a Parade,” because for all the diversity and excess of its public processions, there is likely no city anywhere that has exceeded New York. The home of the renowned ticker-tape parades, the Macy’s Day Parade, the St Patrick’s Day Parade, NYC Pride the Village Halloween Parade, and numerous ethnic celebrations (modeled on St. Patrick’s), New York City’s streetscapes have conferred both prestige and visibility on those who have been able to muster the necessary funding and authorizations and crowds. It is not without a powerful sense of the current moment, the Covid-19 pandemic, that I’ve taken on the otherwise enviable, and the now more somber, task of reviewing a book about some of the most raucous, colorful, noisy and crowded events in New York: Brooklyn’s Caribbean Carnival celebrations.

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Arts & Culture, Brooklyn, Race & Ethnicity, ImmigrationGuest UserComment
The New York City Overalls Parade, 1920

The New York City Overalls Parade, 1920

By Jonathan Goldman

New York City's "Overalls Parade," held on April 24, 1920 was, viewed generously, an inspired if quixotic attempt to inaugurate a new, labor-conscious political movement. From a more critical perspective, it was a neutered form of activism that undermined the progressive movements that had flourished over the previous two decades, now under threat at the start of the 1920s. In some respects, it even worked against the interests of labor. The "Economy Parade" – its official name never caught on – aimed to protest the rising cost of clothing as one instance of the rising cost of living in the postwar United States. Marchers, representing civic organizations and private clubs from multiple strata, wore overalls, a recent sartorial innovation, as a show of allegiance to democratic principles. Organized by the Cheese Club, a private social group whose members worked in theater, entertainment journalism, and publicity, the parade drew far fewer participants than predicted by its leaders and friendly journalists, and became a byword for failure.

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Business & Labor, Progressive EraGuest UserComment
Boss of the Grips: Interview with Eric K. Washington

Boss of the Grips: Interview with Eric K. Washington

Interviewed by Prithi Kanakamedala

Today on the blog, Prithi Kanakamedala talks to Eric K. Washington about his current work, Boss of the Grips: The Life of James H. Williams and the Red Caps of Grand Central Terminal. This book has garnered a great deal of praise, including citation as one of the Best Biographies of 2019 by Open Letters Review and special recognition from The Municipal Art Society of New York as a 2020 Brendan Gill Prize Finalist.

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Interviews, Race & Ethnicity, TransportationGuest UserComment
Civilian Anticrime Patrols in 1970s New York: Crime, Self-Help and Citizenship in the Neoliberal City

Civilian Anticrime Patrols in 1970s New York: Crime, Self-Help and Citizenship in the Neoliberal City

By Joe Merton

Recent scholarship has done much to illuminate the so-called “neoliberalization” of New York during the 1970s and 1980s, in which a bold midcentury experiment in urban social democracy was dismantled in the wake of the city’s fiscal crisis and replaced by an agenda of municipal austerity, business-oriented economic development, and market-led privatization.[1] Much of this work identifies this process as a top-down transformation led by the city’s financial and political elite and resisted by many New Yorkers.[2] But what if New Yorkers did not always resist or passively receive this process but actively perpetuated it themselves?

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Crime & Policing, Urban Decline & Fiscal CrisisGuest UserComment